Tag Archives: trump

“At least it was a peaceful transition”

I’ve heard in a few places something along the lines of “well the election was rough but it was a peaceful transition and for that we should be thankful.” But the amount of violence that the Trump campaign carried with it isn’t inconsiderable.

The constant encouragements from top to bottom to assault and even kill those that disagree, or those that are different; the constant threats during the campaign to levy the coercive force of the state against his opponent, the press, protesters, latin@s, Muslims; the direct violence threatened and now in the process of being perpetrated on some thirty million Americans soon to lose healthcare they’re paying for; the violence involved in wresting from women self-determination over their own bodies; these are all things that occurred not only throughout the campaign but have carried over in the transition and into the new administration.

The only thing we’re missing at this point is for Trump to begin that levying of state power against Clinton as he repeatedly promised in the form of illegitimate prosecution, or utilize the same or similar resources to directly pursue and punish journalists that published anything not laudatory. And we’re only one day into his term.

This wasn’t a peaceful transition. The specter of violence threatening life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness for anyone not white, male, healthy, able-bodied, and Republican has been ever-present and continues to loom over the Capitol.

On Cabinets, On Trying and On Rules

There’s an old-ish bit of political apocrypha about Reagan’s Secretary of the Interior: that he was a born-again Christian and explicitly believed that conservation of any type was unnecessary because the Second Coming was imminent. And that Reagan appointed him specifically for that fact. Secretary of the Interior is responsible for all federal lands – some 20% of US land – and especially conservation thereof.

Now, I never saw it proved, which is why I refer to it as apocrypha, but it’s always used as a warning about presidential appointments. And it’s always been mocked whenever it’s come up, in some ways rightfully. But suddenly we have an administration that is literally going beyond that, outdoing a mad, old evangelical and making appointments that aren’t just opposed to their agencies but utterly antithetical.

Let’s examine that for a moment. His cabinet now includes: three Goldman Sachs alums despite a keystone of his candidacy being criticism of Goldman Sachs; two generals known for outlandish conspiracy theories; a Secretary of Labor who is staunchly anti-labor; a Secretary of the Interior who intends to sell off federal land; a Secretary of Education that decimated the Michigan educational system even further; an EPA director who is suing the EPA; a Small Business Administration director who was an entertainment executive and couldn’t even get elected in her own state; an Attorney General hostile to just about every vulnerable segment of our society; and the best one, a Secretary of State who has possibly the best relationship with Vladimir Putin of any American, and whose company is eager to allow through a $300 million deal with Rosneft which was halted under Obama’s sanctions after Russia INVADED ANOTHER COUNTRY. That’s not to mention the complete lack of response from Trump’s side about what looks to be significant Russian interference in our election, Trump bashing the CIA and actively protecting Putin, and one of his top advisors having illegally served as a top Russian lobbyist for years.

A cabinet worth over $11 billion – more than 4x the net worth of Obama’s and THIRTY TIMES the net worth of Bush II’s latter cabinet. A real cabinet of the people. Congratulations on it.

There’s a term of art in finance called IBGYBG – “I’ll be gone, you’ll be gone” – that signifies a deal that’s profitable in the short term (especially for the negotiators) which all involved parties know will sour in some way but by the time it does the people negotiating it will have retired or moved on. It’s quite literally a financial mechanism of short-sightedness and it defined many of the mortgage and securitization deals that led directly to the 2008 financial crisis. “By the time these mortgagees default to the point that the investment is toast we’ll be gone.” Trump’s cabinet both codifies and transcends IBGYBG thinking. In a decade we went from “I’ll Be Gone/You’ll Be Gone” shortsightedness to “Eh, We can afford good bunkers, let’s run it into the dirt.”

I keep hearing “at least Trump’s trying!” Let’s see what Trump has been “trying” this week: has he even taken any intelligence briefings? No. He spent his time on twitter attacking a small labor union representative. He went to the Army-Navy game (and sat with Ollie North, of course). He revealed a scheme to charge $35 for a “Trump Inaugural Membership Card.” He reaffirmed his stake in a reality TV show. And held another self-congratulation rally.

The transition of Turkey’s political landscape over the last several years and in particular this year shocked analysts and commentators with its speed and severity. Erdogan went from Washington DC darling to troublesome pariah to tolerated dictator relatively fast as these things go – especially that last step. I fear the change in America’s political landscape will be no less severe and possibly just as fast, if not exactly commensurate. If you want to know why I’m feeling more extreme lately and speaking in more extreme ways realize I’m reacting to a two-party system in which one party has decided that rules no longer matter and winning is the most important thing, a cabinet full of paranoid generals and people looking to strip resources off the country for profit, a precarious technological landscape which empowers the state more than it empowers individuals and the trajectory of a disrupted country ruled by a strongman who favors mass purges.

That all leads to a single conclusion for me above all others: it is no longer in anyone’s interests to continue playing by the rules.

I Blame Zimbardo

People continue to be flabbergasted that the anger behind Donald Trump’s support has not burned itself out yet. It must, they often insist, consume itself and leave former supporters gripped by boredom, lackadaisical, having spent their energy in acts of political catharsis before averaging out and backing a candidate of more substance, closer to the aims of the Republican Party. This is true for observers on both sides of the aisles and they’re both thoroughly wrong. It’s the kind of thinking, oddly enough, that led to the hallucinatory 2008 and 2012 predictions widely circulated within the Republican party (though both parties are guilty of this at random times) that they were about to win the presidency – a disconnect from the ground-level reality behind campaigns.

To offer a more grounded view of Trump’s supporters than I did in my previous post (regarding philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer, Trump and Dante’s Inferno) let me turn to one of the most basic parts of any Psychology 101 curriculum for decades.

The support behind Trump is the Stanford Prison Experiment writ large with all the ethical and methodological issues still intact.

In 1971 psychology professor Philip Zimbardo began a two-week experiment in the basement of a Stanford University building in which students were divided up into guards and prisoners. Guards were given uniforms, batons and mirrored sunglasses to avoid eye contact. Prisoners were forced to wear uniforms with their prisoner number on them, and referred from there on as that number. Guards policed the prisoners in their cells and a few other confined areas, ensuring they acted “appropriately” and punishing displays of defiance.

By the second day both groups began to assume their assigned roles in big ways. Guards became much more authoritarian and began to target and torment prisoners in various ways. Prisoners began to defy that authority, act out, block access and respond with anger, hostility and hopelessness. Steps such as the removal of clothing or the refusal to let prisoners empty the “sanitation buckets” in their cells were taken, stripping prisoners of essential dignity. The entire experiment spiraled into a mountain of increasing ethical violations until a graduate student assigned to interview prisoners objected to the conditions.

It took less 6 days for the experiment to go so badly that it had to be terminated. Both prisoners and guards identified so deeply with their roles that they treated each other savagely. Six days.

I spent a few hours looking at the Trump corners of twitter and facebook today (for two good samples, check Mitt Romney’s facebook page and then go search “Mr Trump” on twitter – diehard supporters love using the “mister”). Reviewing the rhetoric of Trump supporters brought me to a conclusion: this is the Stanford Prison Experiment inscribed on presidential politics, graffiti’d like a vulgarity scratched on a lamppost. Trump supporters see themselves as prisoners and want to be the jailers, but in the meantime assume the roles they feel they’ve been forced into.

Zimbardo’s instructions for guards before his experiment began are preserved publically and quite on point here:

“You can create in the prisoners feelings of boredom, a sense of fear to some degree, you can create a notion of arbitrariness that their life is totally controlled by us, by the system, you, me, and they’ll have no privacy … We’re going to take away their individuality in various ways. In general what all this leads to is a sense of powerlessness. That is, in this situation we’ll have all the power and they’ll have none.”

And this is exactly what you see in the complaints of Trump’s political base – they are both bored and fearful, and feel that the world has exacted some terrible price upon their individuality and personal agency. They bemoan the total control that they perceive the government to be exerting and at the same time identify with it, often wanting to exact similar or worse upon their own enemies. To repeat: they’ve assumed the roles of powerless prisoners but fantasize of themselves as the jailers, using sadistic violence, vitriol and privilege manipulation to control and punish those they see as weaker. Shows of force are highly extolled virtues – everything else is met with sneering contempt (I’m again reminded of the Warren Ellis character presidential candidate Bob Heller – you can find a few relevant panels at the bottom of this post).

They have the anger of those who feel their dignity is assaulted every day, and so take on the mantle of the Undignified. No amount of dialogue or statesmanship is going to make a bit of difference in that case – it’s why appeals to presidential dignity like Romney’s today will be met with Trump explicitly saying Romney would’ve given him oral sex for an endorsement in 2012, for instance, to the raucous applause of his supporters and enthusiastic approval from his political base.

The Republican leadership – any leadership, really, but the Republican in particular – has no idea what to do with this. This kind of self-identification isn’t just a sort of fad-anger that can be redirected or tamped. And surely bringing people like Mitt Romney to try and stamp it out only fans the flames – in him they see another captor, an establishment jailer who they nonetheless picture themselves in the role of. They want to be successful capitalist so badly, the Bain Capital executive, the man in the pressed suit. But that desire to be Romney can’t become conscious and so is sublimated back into the unquenchable anger of a population that feels it’s been forced into indignity and barbarism.

They’ve been given a role, and they will play it until the experiment’s over. That they don’t see Trump as another jailer – one that’s bankrupted numerous legitimate business and crushed countless people much closer to the level of the supporters – is an artifact of fantastic marketing on Trump’s part. As long as he feeds the anger he gives them the only sense of agency they have.

Trump in the Inferno

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I’ve just started reading Eugene Thacker’s In the Dust of This Planet, the first in his Horror of Philosophy series and as recommended by Warren Ellis. In the Dust of This Planet considers horror as a vehicle through which to think about the unthinkable, from personal to climatological. Horror as a way to poke and prod at the limit of thought and immediate experience. It’s fantastic and engrossing so far and I was so caught by a particular point that’s stuck ever since.

Thacker proposes a few interpretations for the word black in the phrase “black metal” and in doing so addresses, separately, several ways to process darkness, evil and demons.

“In contrast to what Schopenhauer calls a private nothing (the nihil privativum; dark as the absence of light, death as the absence of life) there is a negative nothing (the nihil negativum; nothingness without any positive value).”

In other words, private nothing is an absence of something defined and has its own character on that basis. Compared to that, negative nothing is without character or definition – it is simply absence without any kind of light-or-matter transition to some positive state. Thacker goes on to discuss demons and typology, including a fantastic point – right on topic – that “Elaine Pagels’s widely-read The Origin of Satan makes the clearest point: the demon is inseparable from a process of demonization, and this process is as much political as it is religious.” And a bit later:

“The demon is not really a supernatural creature, but an anthropological motif through which we human beings project, externalize and represent the darker side of the human to ourselves.”

Mechanism established Thacker moves onto typology of demons in Dante’s Inferno and identifies at least three distinct types: Lucifer himself, personified, giant, brooding counter-sovereign; embodied demons such as the Malebranche that are found instituting various punishments and generally administrating the mundane tasks of hell; and the third type, which is what I’m concerned with here. Dante encounters a demonic atmosphere, a tempestuous and vile black wind driving the spirits back and forth, “eternal in its rage.”

“We soon learn that this tempestuous scene is not the backdrop for some new genre of demons, but that the wind, the rain and the storm itself is the demon. This “black wind” is at once invisible and yet dramatically manifest, coursing through the swarming bodies of the damned.”

Thacker describes this as a demon that is “fully immanent, and yet never fully present,” “at once pure force and flow,” but having no substance of its own “also pure nothingness.”

It occurred to me while reading that this seems a perfect corollary to the Trump Campaign. A fiery, rageful bombast who has yet to articulate any particular strategy or stance. Instead, Trump blows back and forth across what all involved seem to percieve as a doomed and decrepit plain, and they’re taken by the force he shows. He bellows from above about destroying this or that enemy or head of state, bellows about building a wall that he’ll force another country to pay for, bellows frenetically back and forth: he contradicts himself as much as he affirms himself. It isn’t direction Trump is concerned with, only force. He’s a political tempest with rage rather than form; his campaign is “fully immanent, and yet never fully present,” lacking hereness but “dramatically manifest.” Not the counter-divine but rather the political nihil negativum, an absence furiously insisting upon its presence.

I keep expecting Trump to burn out – to blow himself out, really. That at some point his energy has to expire and give place to something else. But there’s no energy to bottom out. Trump’s not the counter-anything, but rather that nothingness without a positive value. He’s that vile storm blowing across a landscape that doesn’t know there’s a positive value on the other side of rage. And he appeals so much to people who seem to view themselves as the damned – angry at being cast into a landscape they find existentially hostile and punishing, a population mad enough at their world that they’ve instead chosen the storm that’s as likely to turn on them as anything.